Op-Ed: The best way to protect abortion rights? Finalize the Equal Rights Amendment

A woman raises her fist and cheers among protesters holding signs that read 'ERA yes.'

When Roe vs. Wade was decided in 1973, it was rooted in rights that flow from privacy — not equality. As the country has now seen in the leaked Supreme Court draft ruling, that right to privacy is about to be demolished.

Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. bemoans in the draft opinion that Roe “was remarkably loose in its treatment of the constitutional text,” basing the right to abortion on the right to privacy when neither is “mentioned” in the Constitution. While we can’t change the composition of the court poised to overturn Roe, we can change the text they are charged with interpreting. It’s time to finalize the Equal Rights Amendment and enshrine gender equality.

The right to privacy was first articulated in a 1965 Supreme Court case, Griswold vs. Connecticut, concerning the state’s decades-old law banning contraception. Lawyers defending married couples’ use of contraceptives argued that the right to reproductive healthcare existed under equality in the Constitution.

A crowd gathers outside the Supreme Court after a purported leak says that Roe vs. Wade will be overturned.

Abcarian: The right to abortion is deeply rooted in the Constitution, and flows from amends for slavery

When it comes to conservative Supreme Court justices’ views on abortion, words seem to have lost their meaning.

But, in part because there was no explicit equality guarantee in the Constitution, Justice William O. Douglas instead cobbled together guarantees within the Bill of Rights (the 1st, 3rd, 4th and 9th Amendments). The court ruled to permit contraception, affirming that while privacy was not an explicit constitutional guarantee, it is found in the penumbras, or shadows, of other existing rights.

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Less than a decade later, in 1972, the ERA passed in Congress with little opposition from either party. The House approved the ERA 354 to 23, and just eight senators voted against it. But it had still not been ratified by 1973 when Roe came down. With the Constitution still lacking an explicit right to equality, the Roe decision is a technical, medicalized one. It hyperfocuses on a pregnant person’s body and pregnancy timing rather than a right to equal citizenship and freedom from discrimination on the basis of sex. Many, including Ruth Bader Ginsburg, have criticized the decision to base the right to abortion on privacy, not equality.

The ERA barreled through 30 of the 38 necessary state ratifications in the first year after its passage, and ratification seemed inevitable. But after the Roe decision, many conservatives channeled their opposition to abortion toward the ERA, launching a wider fight against women’s rights. Phyllis Schlafly’s STOP ERA movement was born.

As the religious right’s political influence began to grow, this group of far-right activists chose abortion as a wedge issue to activate their base — but zeroed in on opposition to the ERA as the first concrete campaign to flex their newfound political power. Catholics, evangelicals and Mormons banded together against the amendment. In 1982, when the extended time limit on ratifying the ERA expired, STOP ERA declared victory.

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Many feminists gave up on the fight, falsely thinking at least access to abortion was secure. However, in recent years and with increasing threats to our basic liberties, the ERA has found new life. The amendment stands now as the most straightforward solution to current constitutional woes.